And Then There Were Two...
The United States Supreme Court issued a ruling the other day, one with
which I am not happy. This is not unusual. I routinely disagree
with the High Court, as well as myriad other courts and judges, over matters
of law.
The ruling, which is not the subject of this writing, was about recent
campaign finance legislation and the legality of limiting certain soft
contributions. The Court held that congress can pass laws against
influence-peddling in politics. I hate influence-peddling, and politicians
in the corporate pocket. I also think that congress can constitutionally
pass these laws. So maybe you’re hopelessly confused as to why I said
I disagree with a decision with which I just said I agree.
The explanation, also not the subject of this writing, is that the
Majority justified its ruling in part on its belief that money corrupts
politics. I happen to share this belief as well, but that does not
excuse the Court for using it as a legal ground. Under the power
granted it by the Constitution, it does not have the luxury of trying to
foresee all ends and warding off supposed problems ahead. The Court
is not our nanny. It is there to interpret and protect the letter
and the spirit of the Constitution, not to save us from ourselves.
Such decisions are dangerous as precedent, and represents a step backwards
in realizing the potential of our founding documents. The same type
of argument was used, by the way, in the 2000 election case, in which the
Court intervened in a state case because it believed our democracy was
threatened by a delay in the transfer of power.
The Minority opinion in the campaign reform case, which is not even
close to the subject of this writing, was no better. Scalia actually
argued that the wealthy and the corporate leaders are more qualified to
influence lawmaking than other citizens, the arrogance of which left me
in shock and awe.
I believe, as do you, that the High Court sometimes makes bad decisions
and that the judges are often quite biased in their interpretations.
Does that mean I should support, as some already do, the prudent-sounding
call to limit the power of the Court through an amendment to the Constitution?
Shouldn’t I endorse, as some have recently proposed, a means for congress
to overrule the Court, on the grounds that our current judiciary is indeed
politically biased and not ‘independent’ as mandated by the Constitution?
Absolutely not, and it is getting to the point of this writing to tell
you why.
In the first place, I don’t tend to agree with the idea that the bias
found in so many (and in some philosophical way, all) of our high judges
is properly political. Our Founders’ idea of giving judges lifetime
appointments and immunity from political removal or punishment to attempt
political separation was a good and necessary one, and it still holds.
Indeed, on the current Court sit several ‘surprises’, in which the ideology
of the president did not determine the positions of his appointments.
I think our judges’ biases have been generally more cultural in nature,
and while cultural biases can be very disruptive, cause bad decisions and
be every bit as harmful as political biases, they are different animals.
They are pervasive to such a degree that it is hard to know what a non-culturally-biased
judge would look like. Until around 40 years ago, judges came from
wealthy, conservative cultural environments, so the conservatives had a
lock on the Court. Yet even in the darkest of these days, when the
court ruled in such way as to allow for the existence of slavery,
half of the American people thought slavery was just fine, and would have
called them good, unbiased judges. That was their culture as well.
The unique and original thing about our political system is not, as
is always said, that we’re a democracy. Democracy has been around
for a long time, and it never works, because when one side gains more power
than the other, it passes rules to cement its lead position. It becomes
the tyranny of the majority. No, what makes us innovators of a system
never before tried in history is that we’re a constitutional democracy.
That means that the fundamental rules are agreed to before the game starts,
and that an independent judiciary protects these rules from the ravages
of power. And that those who rule are bound to the same law as everyone
else.
Our judges have always had flaws, but to say that their cultural biases
justifies taking their power and giving it to the politicians - who have
no such duty to protect the law - is more than absurd. It opens
the door for that old failure of democracy, the tyranny of the majority.
And yes, while it is true that congress has before needed to step in
to fix a judicial mistake, as in the cases of slavery and women‘s rights
(it is still amazing to me that we had to pass an amendment to direct the
judges that the phrase ‘all men are created equal’ means black men as
well, and another to insist that the phrase is meant in the sense of ‘mankind’,
which includes women), you will notice that these interventions are of a
particular kind. All of them serve to clarify or reinterpret rules,
and come as new instructions with regard to the law which the courts are
to uphold. To my knowledge, no court has ever defied these instructions,
for they claim the same fealty to constitutional amendments as they do
to the Constitution itself.
An amendment to limit the constitutional power of the judiciary to
interpret the law is of a whole new species, one which has never been tried.
The subject is the Court itself. It attempts to remove power from
one branch of government and confer it to another. And of course
the recipient of this power is in fact the very branch which itself creates
and votes on the amendment to do it. It doesn’t attempt to correct
or direct the Constitution. It changes it entirely. It offers
a very strange situation in which the courts may be forced to declare a
constitutional amendment…unconstitutional.
Then who wins? The one with the military?
Which brings me, finally, to my point. Those who argue for such remarkable and unprecedented destruction to the Constitution are not considered 'fringe' or met with scorn from fellow conservatives, for they know what is at stake here, and so do I. The Constitution is a liberal document. It was liberal when it was written, and it is liberal today. Freedom of association, freedom of speech, freedom of moral action, equality before the law, open and accountable government, all of these are today still considered liberal notions, and are still today resisted by the Right.
And with great success. Of the list I just gave, none are guaranteed
to the American citizen with the exception of free speech, which can be
punished but not forbidden. Freedom of association, equality under
the law and open government were recently suspended indefinitely because
of our war on terror. Freedom of moral action, called ’freedom of
religion’, we’ve never had.
We must understand that when the framers and the signers of the Constitution
went back home to their families, our country was not suddenly changed
into the one described in their document. The Supreme Court, head
of one of the three branches of government created by the Constitution,
did not even exist in any meaningful way for decades after the Constitution
was ratified. Every move toward the Constitution has been a struggle.
The process of becoming that revolutionary country agreed upon so
long ago has been grueling, and it is by no means finished. Attempts
to gain the liberal guarantees in the Constitution have always been resisted
at every turn by the conservatives who have always opposed them.
And as I said, the conservative lock on the courts has been broken.
A few decades ago things started to change in the judicial system.
Judges no longer came only from the ranks of the wealthy, and they could
make the bench with nothing other than demonstration of judicial aptitude.
Free from certain long-held judicial biases, they've begun to actually
interpret the Constitution in all its liberal glory.
And if they continue to interpret the Constitution the way it was written,
the conservatives will continue to lose a lot. Many of them know
they have to get serious about this threat. Right now a storm over
religious freedom brews in the courts. The courts are beginning to
say that religious freedom means freedom from strictly moral laws, and that
is very bad news for those who want to fill our jails with non-violent, moral
criminals. Conservatives have to do something to stop the courts.
I am no prophet, but the stakes are high, and there is no other option
for the conservatives but to try to stop the courts with a good old-fashioned
power struggle. The other two branches of government are controlled
by a particularly nasty set of conservatives, and an opportunity may come
with recent rulings regarding gay marriage, which the courts must allow
if they are to follow the Constitution, but which is not very popular among
the citizenry. Watch for them to test the waters with a constitutional
amendment to ban it. And get ready to stop them.
I got the feeling we're in for a hell of a year.
December 23, 2003